FREEDOM OF SPEECH / FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION


FREEDOM OF SPEECH / FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION

Freedom of speech is the freedom to speak without censorship and/or limitation. The synonymous term freedom of expression is sometimes used to indicate not only freedom of verbal speech but any act of seeking, receiving and imparting information or ideas, regardless of the medium used [United Nations, 1966, 1976]. The right to freedom of speech is recognized as a human right under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and recognized in international human rights law in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The ICCPR recognizes the right to freedom of speech as "the right to hold opinions without interference. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression". Furthermore freedom of speech is recognized in European, inter-American and African regional human rights law [United Nations, 1966, 1967]. Freedom of speech, or the freedom of expression, is recognized in international and regional human rights law. The right is enshrined in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights and Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights [Andrew Puddephatt & Hodder Arnold, 2005; Kumar, Ambika, 2006].

In Islamic ethics freedom of speech was first declared in the Rashidun period by the caliph Umar in the 7th century. In the Abbasid Caliphate period, freedom of speech was also declared by al-Hashimi (a cousin of Caliph al-Ma'mun) in a letter to one of the religious opponents he was attempting to convert through reason.

According to George Makdisi and Hugh Goddard, "the idea of academic freedom" in universities was "modelled on Islamic custom" as practiced in the medieval Madrasah system from the 9th century. Islamic influence was "certainly discernible in the foundation of the first deliberately-planned university" in Europe [Boisard, Marcel A., 1980].

* Selected REFERENCES / Sources:


Amnesty International: Annual Reports: URLhttp://www.amnesty.org/ailib/aireport/index.html Andrew Puddephatt & Hodder Arnold. (2005). Freedom of Expression: The Essentials of Human Rights. United Publishers. Boisard, Marcel A. (July 1980), "On the Probable Influence of Islam on Western Public and International Law", International Journal of Middle East Studies 11 (4): 429–50. Goddard, Hugh. (2000). A History of Christian-Muslim Relations. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Kumar, Ambika. (2006). ‘Using Courts to Enforce the Free Speech Provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.’ Published by Chicago Journal of International Law. Summer 2006. URLhttp://www.allbusiness.com/corporate-governance/4082846-1.html United Nations: ‘International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.’ Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16th December 1966: Entry into force 23 March 1976, in accordance with Article 49. URLhttp://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm (United Nations) Wikipedia. (2010). ‘Freedom of Speech.’ Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. URLhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_of_expression

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02 March 2017

King Salman’s Asia tour is so significant in the Face of USA uncertain Foreign Policy & Discrimination


Source:
http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/why-king-salmans-asia-tour-is-so-significant


Why King Salman’s Asia tour is so significant








There was no mistaking the arrival of King Salman of Saudi Arabia and his entourage in Malaysia on Sunday morning. Traffic stood still for 30 minutes as we waited for the 600-strong royal party to make their way from the airport to the centre of Kuala Lumpur – a near endless stream of limos, lorries, outliers and ambulances, sirens screaming.
This is King Salman’s first trip to South East Asia and the region since ascending the throne in 2015. As the destination for umrah and the Haj, his country has a very special place in the hearts of the Muslim-majority countries he will be visiting, which also include Indonesia, Brunei and the Maldives. But the king’s actual presence is something different – something rare, momentous and significant in a number of ways.


    On a practical and quantifiable level, the Asian tour is about trade. In Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday, Malaysia’s Petronas signed a deal for Saudi Aramco to invest $7 billion (Dh25 bn) into an oil and petrochemical refinery in the southern state of Johor. Other agreements and opportunities for businesses in both countries will also be announced, and Malaysia’s prime minister Najib Razak has already used this to hit back at critics who accused him of "selling" the country by securing massive investment from China on his visit to Beijing in November.


      The Saudi deals show the level of confidence other countries such as the kingdom have in Malaysia, he has said. Indonesia’s president Joko Widodo will make a similar claim if, as expected, $25 billion worth of Saudi investment in his country is unveiled when the touring party moves on to Jakarta.
      The king’s visit and the huge amount of new trade being generated around it are also very public votes of confidence in the economic reform programmes in the two South East Asian nations.


        Both have undertaken measures to improve long-term resilience and competitiveness, such as the rationalisation or removal of subsidies. Malaysia has also introduced a goods and services tax to widen the tax base. But neither of these moves have been popular – who likes paying more for anything? – and opponents have been quick to try to exploit discontent at their impact.
        The arrival of King Salman draws attention to the fact that his government has been undertaking almost the exact same reforms, removing or cutting key subsidies last year, and agreeing in January to impose a new 5 per cent value added tax – in essence, the same as GST. If Saudi Arabia now deems it wise to emulate the reforms of the Malaysian and Indonesian governments, that is an even greater vindication than the plaudits of the IMF and World Bank officials who have already commended the moves.


          It is also an acknowledgement that the "new normal" of lower growth and a need to broaden sources of revenue affect a wide range of countries, Saudi Arabia as well as Malaysia, Indonesia and China, which King Salman is also to visit.
          At a time when the United States has been sending mixed – and sometimes distinctly unfriendly – signals to many countries, including allies, the Saudi King’s tour also suggests that links in Asia need to be strengthened and may prove more reliable than with the "America First" of Donald Trump.


            Militarily, Saudi Arabia’s Muslim counterterrorism coalition may well receive a boost, with several countries likely to offer more concrete participation than thus far. All states on the tour have vested interests in sharing domestic and international counter-radicalisation and deradicalisation programmes, in which Saudi Arabia and Malaysia have particular expertise.




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